《Anxious Wealth》是一本由John Osburg著作，Stanford University Press出版的Paperback图书，本书定价：USD 22.95，页数：248，特精心从网络上整理的一些读者的读后感，希望对大家能有帮助。
《Anxious Wealth》精选点评：
●民族志部分很有意思，外国人身份看来为这个研究提供了很大的便利。理论部分就完全是眼高手低的典范，不要想搞个大新闻，就把波兰尼布迪厄严海蓉批判一番，反倒感觉作者并没有吃透这些人的逻辑。。。
●寫得還是相當不錯的，材料很豐富，對於中國語境下的術語和概念，理解得蠻精確的。將「新富」群體放在傳統的「關係」以及晚近的「ethics and morality」概念下談，出發點蠻好的，但是整體的討論顯得非常散，不曉得為什麼。。。
●我为什么觉得他写得很啰嗦啊，被指定的章节没有觉得看得很inspiring！ 感觉民族志part写得确实写得不错，因为作为一个外国人的视角来的容易一些。看到他写自己出现在那些场合，是作为国际友人撑场面的需要时笑了： 这样的事情太多了，都已经成了外国人在中国的外汇之一了好吧。
●其中一章是刚来美国在development anthropology课上读的，那会还蛮激动的。在AAA听过作者本人说他怎么做的田野
●一记响亮而清澈的耳光打在脸上，不禁脸颊发烫。后毛时代的中国官场商场，成为了外国人研究的主题，算是莫大的讽刺。结论章回归到中国人信仰问题的讨论，值得深思。其中涉及到人类学家接触敏感群体的一些伦理问题，可作为借鉴。 ps 看这本书田野描述部分的时候总是不自觉想到何伟阿怎么破＝＝＃
●好书，当是小说看。读的时候让我想起了以前有个老师，很喜欢拉他的女研究生一起和官员吃饭，for the instrucmental purpose of pleasing the offcial in order that the offcial can provide data for his study
●读了intro, 描述基本符合实情，面向西方读者因而细节翔实。
●读了一、二、六章
●作为一个从小在这种环境中长大的人，见多了听多了各种事，还是觉得作者的描述实在太表面。为“关系”而讲"关系"这样的格局也实在太小。事实上这些关系同更大更重要的话题，诸如经济运作等等都直接相关（不只是贿赂问题）。另外作者似乎想把程度现象直接等同为中国，事实上地区差异也是明显的，即便相似性也很明显。至于女人和娱乐当做润滑剂这种事情，学术圈也一样。当年某外国教授给我说在中国时系领导们喜欢拉着去KTV然后一起嫖妓，他们觉得一起嫖过后就都是兄弟了。他和一些同事都遇到过这种事。当然，这种事情当然也得发生在比较有钱的系，那些穷系没这钱来拉关系。那么作者有没有这么搞过关系呢？想来也是有趣。
●理论分析差一些，但是现象介绍很详实
《Anxious Wealth》读后感(一)：敢于这样的尝试，至少让我们从文字上感知
敢于这样的尝试，至少让我们从文字上感知，作者官网，可适读http://www.sup.org/books/extra/？id=21527&i=Excerpt_from_the_Introduction_pages
《Anxious Wealth》读后感(二)：人人皆焦虑
花了近一个月的时间看完了这本书，读完才发现原来在身边习以为常的明/潜规则的成因是这样复杂隐晦又因国情而独特。官僚、商人、服务性行业从业者各有各的光鲜及苦衷，抱着各自的目的，结自己的关系网，用或卑劣或或精妙的手段追寻荣华富贵。 书中让我深有感触的还是女性的不易。成功商人、年轻学生、被社会唾弃的第三者，无论她们的教育背景、家庭条件、自身能力如何，她们都无一例外地被社会上对男女的默认期望所束缚住了。本可以像男性一样追逐自己的目标，却只能顾忌来自社会各方面的指指点点，自愿或被迫将自己扭曲成社会主流思想下的样子，来适应条条框框。但对女性的束缚又何尝不是对男性的迫害呢？ 说到底，即使经济发展了，思想上的浪潮却迟迟没有到来，互害型社会的本质一直没有变。
《Anxious Wealth》读后感(三)：Short review
Osburg’s approach that heavily relies on the case studies recorded from ethnographic fieldwork has rendered the volume reader-friendly in a novel-like style, however at the finance of being less convincing and critical theoretically. The extensive ethnography efforts provided a lucid window into the regional “nouveau riche” Chinese in Chengdu, Sichuan. However, what is foremost missing is a reductionist mistake of failing to provide a comprehensive definition of the “nouveau riche” which can be categorized into different groups based on individual and family wealth, source of income, cultural capital (education), stability or continuity of the income, age, etc. In addition, Chengdu, as the site of fieldwork, carries regional features (geography, history, culture and local habitus) that make the city itself stand out from other Chinese metropolitan centers like Beijing, Shanghai or Shenzhen; and these distinctive characteristics were unfortunately omitted in the analysis. The author’s literature review of Bourdieu’s theory on class and taste takes into account the “Chineseness” features of the Chengdu new rich, however, again falls into the trap of reductionism by simply emphasizing the convertibility among social, cultural and economic capital.
《Anxious Wealth》读后感(四)：back up
chapter 1
3.exams the rise of elite networks composed of nouveau-riche enterprenuers ,state enterprise managers and government officials.
considers these networks, which are mainly composed of men, as gendered social formations governed by an ethics of brotherhood, loyalty and patronage.
analyze the ways in which the relationships are formed between elite men through shared experiences of leisure and the importance of these relationships in organizing business ventures, orienting personal morality and performing social status.
13 the definition of the new rich
政治上倾向于保守 有一定的经济基础和当地的人脉关系 和政府有一定程度的往来（但并非贵族）
内部类型： 暴发户
国企老总
23 something about guanxi
chapter 2
38 evolving repertorie of practices that entreprenuers used to cultivate relationships with both state officials and other entrepreneurs and the effect of these social networks on their business ventures and interpersonal ethics.i argue that viewing these networks as gendered social formations as crucial to understanding their structures and ethos.
40
elite entertainment are gendered spaces in that in that they cater to heterosexual male pleasure.
these ventures are the key sites for the performation and the reproduction of the ideologies and the practices of postmao elite masculinity.
relaitonships between men are forged quite literally over the bodies of women.
47. Spatially, KTV, nightclubs and even teahouses are hiercharally arranged.
74 conclusion
the effectiveness of this exchange depends on the understanding of the women involved as not objects, but as subjects, with their own motivations and desires that men can only hope to influence.
it is the noncommodifiable and autonous nature of these women's desire that serve as the source of their values in mirroring the men's status and mediating relationships between men.
chapter 3
80.widens the analytical scope to exam the operation of these networks in the overlapping worlds of officialdom and business ,looking at how state power and resources, in addition to private wealth and informal power, flow through these networks.
examine the workings of three of these networks and their associated moral economies:unwritten rules of officialdom;an organizational ideaology of a criminal brotherhood;networks of entrepreneurs, bureacrats and gangsters that underlie the real estate development
85
corruption primarily as a product of involving informal formations of power in contemporary China. corruption as a larger social phenomenon relies on the coordination and cooperation of others. in contemporary china, it is built on personalistic networks of mostly men bound together by overlapping ties of affection, interest, loyalty and mutual obligation that permeate different levels of state and society.
i view the practices associated with corruption as rooted in strategic alliances that contain their own forms of morality and transgression.
87 corruption confessional/;at the gate of hell
93 face and other defects in the national character
these two might have methodology flaws in that the materials deployed here came from a book but not fieldwork. Although in the book, the author attempted to show the book's validity by comparing the book with several cases or scentences his informants ever said, still it is unconvincing enough.
99 ethics problems facing the anthropologist as a researcher, might be useful to you in your future research on the antique market in China.
99 the problem is not how to deepen the relationship, but rather how to maintain distance.
the author's advantage lies in that as a foreigner, local people are willing to get him involved in order to get a sence of international.
106
the reorganization of state power during the reform period should be understood as resulting in the interplay of multiple modes of power rather than simply as an expansion of the market and the retreat of the state.
110
two different trajectories of elite power in contemporary china:
the privatization of the state---the appropriation of the state resources by non state elites.
amp;the official penetration and the co-optation of the informal modes of power such as the masculine solidarity of the underworld gangs.
111
these elite networks provide protection and opportunities for the accumulation of wealth and status for both officials and non state elites, and they are also the network through which the state-driven goals of economic developments are achieved.
chapter 4
118
I understand elite identity for many wealthy Chinese to be rooted in a notion of "recognition" rather than distinction.
their economical capitals by no meaning automatically translate into social or cultural capital.
recognition:highlight the fundamentally social origins of status for china's new rich.because the status is conferred by others, being recognized as belonging to a particular group, dependent on the precarious and frickle perceptions of and relationships with both proximate and distant others.
120
this chapter examines many of the contradictions and anxieties generated by the boss status ideal when confronted with competing understanding of how to be elite, ideals that are in many ways informed by the imaginary of consumer individualism.
ironically, the new rich want to be indepent and live for themselves, no more drinking and yingchou with others. But this process is exactly the source of their presitage.
indulging in individual pursuits and forms of distinctions, which is understood by many as the hallmarks of the elite status in western countries, leads to a kind of social invisibility that undermines the very foundations of their boss status.
121
for chinese elites, consumption is not only a display of their own status but also a form through which their relationships with other elites are formed.
123
many concieves of consumption as a necessary performance they enacted for others that bore little relationship to their personal desires and tastes.
139
the anxiety of my informants are spawned by an assumption that recognition and status do not accrue automatically from the possession of money and luxury goods, but are an outcome of the subjective states-the hearts and minds of others.
140
this anxiety is rooted in the deeper uncertainty and risk associated with seeking recognition from from unseen, unknown others who are presumed to be hostile.
chaptet 5
145
egin by examining the discourse of gray women as well as other catagories of women whose status is defined by their position within a matrix of wealth, femeninity as sexuality. examine the stererotype sorounding these women and the ways in which they both appropriate and subvert it.
146
how female entrepreneurs navigate the masculine, sexsualized spaces of business entertaining
chapter 6
185
the features of network depicted in this book:oriented towards the accumulation of wealth, power, status. But they do so as institutions that have their own internal moral economies. at the elite level, they trancend state and society as well as legimate and illegimate moral worlds.
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